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What Is Mainers for Fair Laws

In Bennett`s Sept. 18 interview, she went so far as to suggest that Question 1 would impact what Maine residents want to do with their own property. “This new question, clearly formulated by a team of smart lawyers, is not the same as the one that was ultimately deemed unconstitutional in 2020,” she wrote. “If Question 1 is passed, it will allow policymakers to target Mainers and businesses by enacting new laws that apply to events that have occurred legally in the past.” “This has never happened before, but now that there is a plan, it could certainly happen again,” Glynn said. “The passage of retroactive laws sets a dangerous precedent whereby law-abiding citizens and businesses can be held accountable for actions taken in good faith based on applicable law. In a radio interview on the 18th. In September on WGAN, Bennett broadened his new perspective that Question 1 will give elected officials — or, in his words, “politicians” — inappropriate power to pass retroactive laws. Retroactivity clauses were included in the voting question because construction of the project is already underway and it is illegal for laws to target a single project. A 2020 petition was dropped in court because it specifically targeted the corridor, prompting petitioners to draft more general legislation. “Rewriting our past is a dead end for our future,” reads a leaflet distributed by the group. “The potential consequences are worrying.

The damage that could be done to small businesses, renewable energy and manufacturing is real – and preventable. Vote `no` to Question 1 to keep retroactive laws out of Maine. “They explain that the word retroactivity in the first question on the ballot would give politicians the power to apply new laws to things that have happened in the past. He doesn`t do anything like that,” Cote wrote. Politicians have always had the opportunity to pass retroactive laws governed by 1 M.R.S. § 302 – a Maine law that has been in effect for decades. Ballot Question One does not give them any new power. “It`s not about someone`s house or what they want to do on their property,” she said. “Question 1 is only about projects that would significantly alter Public lands.” In a written statement, Chris Glynn, spokesman for the CMP`s Clean Energy Campaign Committee, acknowledged that Question 1 does not give lawmakers the additional power to pass retroactive legislation, nor does it directly affect health care or firearms. “This means that even if you follow the rules, you can be punished for your actions. These laws push us down a slippery slope.

Of course, the wording of Question 1 deals with infrastructure projects, but the retroactive nature of the law is still worrisome for many Mainers, who see it as a tool to target them in the future, especially in the hyperpartisan environment in which we live today. “To be clear, Question 1 doesn`t give Maine`s elected officials more power than they already have to legislate or amend, even retroactively.” This is a citizens` initiative that tries to do something that the legislator himself could have done. It says nothing about their ability to pass future retroactive legislation in subsequent Parliaments. It does not change the Maine Constitution on this issue. It just doesn`t say anything about it,” Moffa said. The Observer: Let your values guide you through the vote on the central Maine electric corridor issue Howards says such claims on private property amount to fear. That was the concern of the old Americans. Environmental Protection Agency Administrator William Reilly, whose concerns largely reflected the CMP`s arguments in a recent Washington Post column. “There`s a very smart messaging strategy here that aims to reach specific audiences,” says Mike Franz, a professor of government at Bowdoin College who analyzed ads for the Wesleyan Media Project last year. “No, I mean, it`s a pretty simple answer. That`s not the case,” said Anthony Moffa, a professor of environmental law at the University of Maine School of Law.

In a Sept. 2 letter to the TV station`s executives, Adam Cote, an attorney with Mainers for Local Power, a CAP largely funded by Florida and Texas energy companies, urged the networks to stop running Mainers for Fair Laws ads because they were “inaccurate and misleading” and did not have the right disclosures. Cote also filed a complaint with the Maine Ethics Committee. Last week, the group CMP Mainers for Fair Laws sent letters to voters in Republican-dominated areas stating that Question 1 “provides politicians and people out of state with a new set of tools to target gun owners” and “We know these politicians will do everything they can to restrict our rights under the 2nd Amendment.” So here we are – with a carefully worded voting question to enforce this legislative authority retroactive to 2014, when this project began, and to ban very efficient transmission lines in the Upper Kennebec area. The executive has exceeded its authority to grant CMP leases to our country to complete the corridor. Maine courts have recently ruled against this overwork of executive power. Voting “yes” to question 1 solves this mess and stops the corridor. The point, he says, is that Question 1 is a citizens` initiative – a tool that could be used more often to determine policy in areas other than energy and infrastructure. Bennett and NRCM, who oppose the CMP corridor, are outraged by gunmen and others suggesting that climate change will threaten the future of Maine lobsters and blueberries if the corridor is not built. “I think it`s significant that the media campaign on the CMP side has completely tried to separate Issue 1 from the corridor.

We know, from national polls, that a majority of Mainers think the corridor is a bad deal,” Howard said, citing polls showing that only 34 percent of Mainers support the corridor. The slippery slope argument depends on fears that it will set a bad precedent – such as citizens` initiatives in the roughly 20 states that will allow them to potentially become a model for fossil fuel interests to sink future renewable energy projects, even if they have been approved and are under construction. But groups affiliated with the CMP are highlighting a key word on the electoral issue to point out that there is more at stake on November 2 than the fate of the corridor. Howard and other opponents of the corridor say so is the WPC that has undue influence in the legislature, not elected legislators. A SuperPAC that booked and similarly spent more than a million dollars on television advertising in Maine`s Second District in support of U.S. Rep. Bruce Poliquin Bennett`s re-election campaign did not respond to Beacon`s request to clarify Mainers for Fair Laws` association with CMP. She also did not respond to a question about whether the group had unpaid volunteers.

In other words, whether your problem is guns, health care, or something else, expect more ads trying to convince you that their fate depends on the outcome of Question 1. It was not easy. The project approval and approval process was carried out entirely within the state executive. For this reason, the question of the first round of voting – in which the Mainers were simply asked whether or not the corridor should be built – was declared unconstitutional. Under the Maine Constitution, Maine citizens do not have the power to override a decision made within the executive branch where the Maine PUC is located. In addition, the separation of powers prevents lawmakers from taking direct action “This has the potential to set a bad precedent, but not a bad precedent as broad as the campaign wants to make it believe,” he said. “What they`re not saying is that the retroactive effect is already very well established in Maine law,” she said. “It`s very commonplace.” Listen carefully to an advertisement by the CMP-funded Mainers for Fair Laws Group and you`ll probably hear the word “retroactive.” Howard noted that the retroactive effect of maine law is not new. Organizations and entities that oppose the corridor include the Appalachian Trail Club, sierra Club, Sportsman`s Alliance of Maine, Maine Audubon Society, Maine Department of Inland Fisheries and Wildlife, Natural Resources Council of Maine, North American Whitewater and Trout Unlimited. Among other things, they don`t want these power lines to cross the Appalachian Trail three times, be visible seven times from the trail, and cross 200 streams — which will happen as neCEC progresses. Franz says this could affect the outcome of question 1. Moffa, who has worked for the EPA for the past two years of the Obama administration, says such concerns, while justified, are likely to be overstated by the CMP and its allies.

And because this is not a partisan issue, voters are more likely to be influenced by exaggerated and often misleading messages from both sides. The money trail for shippers brings us back to the CMP. Mainers for Fair Laws` first financial report shows that the group, at least initially, was funded exclusively by Clean Energy Matters — a political action committee that Beacon had previously reported had listed CMP and NECEC as founding organizations. CMP, NECEC and CMP`s parent company, Avangrid, collectively provided $26.9 million to Clean Energy Matters. For more information, see EPIOnline.org. To schedule an interview, contact Jordan Bruneau at (202) 463-7650 or [email protected]. “The example I`m going to give: You bought a house on a lake in 2001, but it didn`t come with a dock,” Bennett said. In about 2005, install the Dock. A few years later, a neighbor moves in. They don`t like the dock. They say it`s a horror for the eyes.

They go to the city to retroactively ban private docks on the lake. Question 1, drafted by the Office of the Maine Secretary of State, asks voters if they want to ban highly efficient transmission lines in the Upper Kennebec area. A “yes” vote is a vote to block the corridor. .

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